Speech by Cde Mluleki Dlelanga YCLSA National Secretary at the 5th Free State Provincial Congress

by | Feb 16, 2018 | Speeches

16 February 2018, Bram Fisher Building, Bloemfontein

Let me for and on behalf of our 4th National Congress National Committee conveys the revolutionary greetings on the leadership of the SACP as led by Provincial Secretary Cde Stofile and the Central Committee Member present Cde Parkies, National Committee Members present, the Acting Provincial Secretary Cde Eddy and the entire collective, District Secretaries and their collectives, leadership of the Progressive Youth Alliance and the very important delegates from branches who are sent by owners of the organization the membership.

To us as the National Committee as we are the proponents of state power , here in your province we have a communist mayor voted by SACP members and supporters of the SACP , we have an SRC President voted by young communists and student population in the University of Free State. This is the foundation that we must building on as part of intensifying the question of the SACP, State and popular power.

Comrades, the 5th Provincial Congress is in session and we are proud that you convening this congress and we say you must view this congress in two ways, first, as an opportunity to renew you vows and commitment to the struggle for social. Secondly, as a political process and a foundation to build a vibrant, militant, grounded, discipline and socialist in character Young Communist League of South Africa.

Comrades, we need YCLSA that is everywhere across the Province, we want an old man that has given up on youth politics to be inspired by the YCLSA in this province, we need a campaigning organization, we need a YCLSA that will protect the Party and its leadership, we need a YCLSA members that will grow and defend its home the YCLSA.

WHO ARE WE?

We are a youth organization that was formed 25 May in1922. We are the youth-wing of the South African Communist Party. We are a vehicle for mobilising young people along socialist/communist line. We are a factory for future communists.

We are a Marxist-Leninist youth organization which stand for : non racism, freedom, equality and the socialisation of the ownership and control of the means of production .In line with the constitution, we are tasked to recruit young people from all cultural and racial backgrounds between the ages of 14 and 35. YCLSA members are organized from a branch level. Our membership is voluntary, with members expected to play an active role in confronting the challenges of the time.

We are an organization of young people whose main objective is to fight for socialism and advance the political and organizational programme of the SACP; whilst in the immediate agitating for a society that meets the basic demands of education, health, work, land, and housing and protect the environment.

We are a communist youth organization, which distinguishes us from all other youth formations in terms of ideological stance and vision of society we seek to build. Therefore, our members, although not communist in the onset, are expected to learn over time and understand the medium and long term vision of the SACP. We are therefore the preparatory school of the SACP. We must recruit, train and prepare membership for the SACP.

We are an integral part of the working class movement, which is struggling for socialism in which the development of human beings as opposed to profit will be the basis for production and organizing society. It is in this society, which is linked to communism, where working class power in all spheres of living will be utilized to achieve human development based on democracy.

We are the son and daughters of the communist heroes both sung and unsung who held the first and second batons as generation of the yclsa.

These heroes include the likes of Mike Feldman, Norman and Leon Levy, Louis and Sadie Forman, Esther Barsel, Paul Joseph, Duma Nokwe,Barney Fauler,Eric Launter,Harold Wolpe,Thomas Mbeki, JN Sigh, Willie Kulk,Stanley Silwana,Sara Sable( the first National secretary of YCLSA), Eddie Rough, Moses Mabhida, Joe Slovo, Ruth First(the second National Secretary),Chris Hani, Moses Kotane, whom we continue to pay homage and remember as we continue with the baton that they have left to those who came before us.

These are the comrades that have laid foundation for us and had worked with some of us, whom their contribution on building this organization is immeasurable regardless of challenges they experienced as the collective. They have been labelled, insulted and scorned but they remained through to our convictions.

When the SACP 11th Congress took a decision to re-establish the YCLSA, and when that resolution was realised in the 2003 re-establishment congress at Vaal University, prophets of doom had declared that we will be just be another failing project of an ideology that has failed. Others, both inside and outside the progressive movement, had written us off even before we had started.

We have a daunting task of breathing fresh air into organizational building, political education and cadre development. We must inspire, excite, and innovate young people. We must build active, exciting and campaigning organization.

We are the sons and daughters of taxi drivers, truck drivers, of garden boys and kitchen girls, of farm workers, hawkers and poor people who are subjected to poverty, unemployment and inequality by the brutal and inhumane capitalist system.

Young Communist League of South Africa is not unhistorical, we know where we come from, where we are and we know that we are the future.

Comrade delegates, as we celebrate our 94th re-establishment anniversary we must continue to be relevant by taking up issues affecting the young people. If we were to lose touch it will be hard to mobilise young people under the banner of the YCLSA. We owe our existence primarily to our members and young people in general. Therefore, it is important that we understand the organizational, political and the strategic tasks facing the Young communist League of South Africa.

Ours is a struggle for socialism. That is our primary tasks both organizational and political. As part of our struggle for socialism our organizational, political and strategic tasks moving forward are:

  • To struggle for socialism
  • Defending and deepening the national democratic revolution.
  • Raising class consciousness of the youth
  • Strengthening the organization.
  • Building Alliances.
    We are the youth wing of the South African Communist Party, we have witnessed some attempts by professional liars and doubters that we have deviated from that revolutionary principle. Let us remind the doubters that ours is a struggle for socialism. We understand correctly what we mean by Socialism. Firstly, we mean the end to the ownership of the world of the country by a few monopoly capitalists, and for the key sectors of the economy to be in the hands of the actual producers, the workers. Secondly, by socialism we mean the end to the exploitation of the working class by a minority capitalist class. Any suggestion about our deviation is nothing else a liquidations strategy that seeks to erode the confidence of the SACP and YCLSA in the public and on other progressive organizations as forces of corruption , forces of corporate capture and the Gupta stooges will use whatever ways to discredit the SACP . Amongst the chief tasks as we struggle for socialism is to defeat these forces.

YCLSA UNDERSTANING OF SACP14th CONGRESS RESOLUTION ON SACP, STATE AND POPULAR POWER

In our preparations for the 14th SACP National Congress, the eight plenary session of the 4th Congress National Committee engaged on this question as part of formulating our message and strategy to engage the congress on this debate.

For the first time in the history of the Party congress delegates were more supportive and resolute about this debate. This resoluteness place a further burden to the initiators to deeply once again what does this mean to party membership and what then does this mean to the future of the Alliance.

This also taking us forward on the next question, what is the understanding of the YCLSA of this 14th SACP National Congress. Then after our understanding what then becomes our role and our tasks moving forward. Part of our tasks and the role should go beyond on the road map as the congress mandated Central Committee to develop.

The resolution as crafted and appear on the SACP 14th National Congress under the tittle: Resolution on the SACP and State and Popular Power is as follows:

Believing –

  1. That the issue of state power is a central question of any revolution;
  2. That the state cannot be transformed and that progressive state power cannot be consolidated or defended without active popular and working class power organized both within and outside of the state;
  3. That a central strategic challenge of the current South African revolution is the consolidation of state power and popular power capable of driving a radical second phase of the National Democratic Revolution as the most direct route to socialism in South Africa;
  4. That, while the ANC historically has played an outstanding role as the major vehicle for unifying the key components of a National Democratic movement, the ANC does not own the NDR and its leadership role is one that has to be earned in practice;
  5. That in the current fluid reality the SACP must be guided by:
    1. Strategic Consistency – not free-floating opportunism or short-termism
    2. Analytical Alertness – what Lenin described as the capacity to provide a “concrete analysis of the concrete situation”.
    3. Tactical flexibility – the ability not to be caught flat-footed while still being guided by revolutionary strategic consistency.
  6. That Lenin’s observation that a “Victory cannot be won with a vanguard alone” is relevant to our own reality, and that throwing “the vanguard into the decisive battle” before the “entire class, the broad masses” are ready would be a grave mistake.
    Noting –
  7. That the important revolutionary advances of the mid-1990s, the abolition of the institutions of white minority rule, the inauguration of key elements of majority rule via the ballot, and the passing of a progressive Constitution are now threatened with erosion.
  8. That the danger of the erosion of our constitutional democracy is a consequence of both the failure to use the democratic bridgehead to advance decisively on a second radical phase of the NDR to transform the structural political economy legacy of colonialism and apartheid, and of a subjective deterioration within much of government and the liberation movement.
  9. This deterioration is epitomized in its most aggressive form by the phenomenon of “private corporate capture of the state”, involving the parasitic looting of public resources.
  10. These realities have, amongst other things, contributed to a declining electoral trajectory for the ANC, which, unless arrested can lead to the ANC losing its majority party status to an opportunist coalition of opposition forces with further deeply negative consequences for the advance, deepening and defense of the NDR.
    Further noting –
  11. That the SACP has a long history of electoral engagement, and that since 1994 the SACP has actively engaged in successive national, provincial and local government elections within the context of the ANC-led alliance. The SACP has actively contributed to the development of ANC election manifestos, to the list selection processes, and to active electoral campaigning. The SACP has also campaigned for and with the ANC with our own independent Red Brigade cadres, and with our own electoral poster and flyers.
  12. That there is a strong feeling within the SACP that too often the SACP is used by the ANC during election campaigns, only to be marginalized post-elections. While this feeling may be more or less strong in different localities, it is a widespread and commonly shared view within the ranks of the SACP.
  13. That the 2007 12th National Congress of the SACP resolved that, while “the SACP is not, nor will it become, a narrowly elector list formation”, “the SACP must contest elections within the context of a re-configured Alliance.” The resolution left open different modalities under which the SACP might contest elections – either on an ANC ticket but within a re-configured Alliance, or, in the context of a re-configured Alliance, under the banner of the SACP but with a view to post-election coalitions with the ANC.
  14. That the 13th National Congress in 2012 reaffirmed these resolutions.
  15. That initial but uneven progress after 2007 in driving forward a re-configured Alliance has now stalled, and in many respects has broken down. That even the earlier progress in re-configuring a more effective Alliance was never implemented in many sub-national levels.
  16. The capacity of the ANC in particular to lead a process of self-renewal and regeneration, and therefore to effectively play a unifying role in a re-configured Alliance remains uncertain.
  17. That, once more, the SACP has played an active and sometimes leading role in the recent period in building patriotic and united fronts in the struggle against state capture and rampant corruption, for instance.
    Therefore resolves:
  18. That the SACP must actively contest elections.
  19. That the modality through which we contest elections may, or may not be, within the umbrella of a re-configured Alliance
  20. That, in principle, we remain firmly committed to a revolutionary national democratic Alliance, and a re-configured Alliance that re-affirms, in policy as well as in practice, the ANC’s own 2007 National Conference resolution that “The Alliance is the strategic political centre” (and not the ANC on its own).
  21. That the SACP has a leadership role in the struggle to build a re-configured Alliance, while recognizing that we cannot place all of our hopes and expectations solely on a favorable outcome in this regard;
  22. That both for electoral purposes and for defending, deepening and advancing a radical second phase of the NDR, the SACP must play an active and leadership role in the consolidation of a left popular front of working class and progressive forces.
  23. That to take all of this work forward, the 14th Congress mandates the Central Committee to establish a Road Map that must be adopted, with clear, indicative time-lines, by the forthcoming Augmented CC. This Road Map must include the following elements:
    1. A programme of active engagements with our Alliance partners, and with a wide range of working class and progressive forces to share and to test the SACP’s perspectives. Particular, but not exclusive, attention must be paid to COSATU and its affiliates. These engagements must be at all levels, national, provincial and local.
    2. Based on these engagements, the SACP must play a leading role in developing a common platform for a Left Popular Front of working class and progressive forces
    3. Linked to the SACP’s organizational renewal review process, a thorough and ongoing audit of the SACP’s organizational capacity, involving a scientific, fact-based evaluation of the strength and influence of our formations, including of our VD-based branches. Regular reports must be tabled in each CC and lower structures must be continuously briefed on progress.
    4. The Special National Congress of the SACP must receive a comprehensive report on the Road Map process and resolve on the way forward.
      The Party Central Committee resolved to contest by elections at Matsimoholo Municipality , this can’t just welcomed uncritical as this will be the first test of the party since 1994 breakthrough will be contesting elections. This also is the positive approach that will be using an example why Party should on a full blown scale contest elections or why it must not contest elections.

What then becomes our role as the YCLSA on ensuring that the Party wins these elections? What is the role of the National Committee? What is our posture of this resolution? And lastly what should be our role and influence as the Party develops road map as guided by the 14th SACP National Congress Resolution on SACP and State and Popular power?

EVOLUTION OF DISCUSSIONS ON RADICAL ECONOMIC TRANSFORMATION

In the debates leading towards the national policy conference and the 53rd national conference of the ANC in Mangaung, a discussion started in the ANC-led Tripartite Alliance and the broader Mass Democratic Movement about how to characterize the next phase of our revolution. The robust debates centered on what should be the main character and content of our next phase of National Democratic Revolution. In the debates, there was a collective appreciation that our society continues to be characterized by three dominant contradictions of race, class and gender.

The entire national liberation movement felt a sense of growing restlessness and impatience amongst the masses of our people who after two decades of democracy and freedom, are still ravaged by poverty, inequality and unemployment. A consensus emerged in the debates that something urgent and radical had to be done to deepen and consolidate the thorough-going national democratic revolution. All components of the Alliance, independently and collectively, agreed that our revolution is entering a second phase of radical socio-economic transformation.

The ANC 53rd National Conference, specifically the Organizational Renewal Commission, thus resolved that, “…the second phase in our transition from apartheid colonialism to a national democratic society will be characterized by more radical policies and decisive action to effect thorough-going socio-economic and continued democratic transformation.”

How does the ANC define Radical Economic Transformation?

The ANC NEC Meeting and NEC Lekgotla held from the 25th to the 27th January 2017 identified the following key priorities of the ANC for the year 2017: Economic growth, accelerated radical socio-economic transformation, Land reform and redistribution, the funding of higher education, fighting crime and corruption as well as building the capacity of the state.

The NEC went further to outline what constitutes radical socio-economic transformation, which it said, “refers to a fundamental change in the structure, systems, institutions and patterns of ownership and control of the economy in favour of all South Africans, especially the poor, the majority of whom are African and female. Our main objective remains the liberation of Blacks in general and Africans in particular. Its components include the creation of jobs, accelerating shared and inclusive growth, transforming the structure of production and ownership of means of production and enabling the talents and productive potential of our people to flourish. At the heart of radical socio-economic transformation is an effective state that is decisive in its pursuit of structural change.”

What constitutes “thorough-going socio-economic and continued democratic transformation”?

The 53rd National Conference resolutions and resolutions of the 2017 ANC NEC meeting and the Lekgotla are very instructive in what constitutes radical economic transformation. The 53rd National Conference resolution defines it more expansively as “thorough-going socio-economic and continued democratic transformation”.

The key elements of this programme as outlined above from the ANC NEC statement can be enlisted as follows for elucidation:

  1. Fundamental change in the structure, systems, institutions and patterns of ownership and control of the economy in favour of all South Africans, especially the poor, the majority of whom are African and female;
  2. Creation of jobs,
  3. Accelerating shared and inclusive growth,
  4. Transforming the structure of production and ownership of means of production,
  5. Enabling the talents and productive potential of our people to flourish,
  6. An effective state that is decisive in its pursuit of structural change.
    These six elements are noble objectives of radical economic transformation. They represent in effect, the historic mission of the struggle for freedom and liberation in South Africa. They are also in broad alignment with the socialist programme that the SACP has put forward to deepen the NDR as a direct route to Socialism, as well as COSATU programme. There can therefore be no dispute that these six elements are an imperative for the second phase of NDR.

How then should we characterize and articulate radical economic transformation?

The brief historical exposition above clearly show that the coining of radical economic transformation does not happen in ideological and historical vacuum. It is not new in its intents, but is an expression of the urgency of the tasks of national struggle in current phase of NDR. The strategic objective of that struggle remains the creation of a non-racial, non-sexist, democratic and prosperous South Africa. Also, the main motive forces of this struggle continue to be Blacks in general and Africans in particular.

When understood, and articulated from this historic perspective, the agenda of radical economic transformation therefore is a practical articulation of the current phase of our thorough-going National Democratic Revolution. That NDR has historically been articulated by the national liberation movement as comprising of the following three major components:

N = National

Our struggle for liberation and emancipation is national in character. It seeks to mobilize a broad range of progressive forces behind the banner of the ANC-led national liberation movement. It is non-racial and non-sexist in outlook, with the main motive forces being the blacks in general and Africans in particular,

D = Democratic

Our struggle seeks a replacement and transformation of repressive institutions and laws of apartheid colonialism with institutions and laws that espouse and promote democratic values and the respect of human rights. Our struggle seeks to give effect to the Freedom Charter maxim, “The people shall govern!”

R = Revolution

Ours is a struggle for radical and fundamental social change. It is not a reformist agenda, nor it is a social democratic programme that seeks to tinker with the margins but retain the fundamental structure of social relations. It is rather a complete rupture of the old, replacing it with new egalitarian social relations.

Karl Marx (1852) once said, “Men make their own history, but they do not make it as they please; they do not make it under self-selected circumstances, but under circumstances existing already, given and transmitted from the past.”

This historical materialist conception of the notion of radical economic transformation gives it proper context and meaning. It ensures that the concept is rescued from potential misappropriation by reactionary parasitic elements.

These reactionary elements seek to use the noble objective of radical economic transformation to justify a continuation of looting of state resources and patronage that has beset the national liberation movement.

The ideology of a revolutionary organization is an asset of the revolution. If it can be corrupted, the whole revolution will be corrupted and finally aborted; history is replete with such failed revolutions. We must therefore act decisively in the defense of our historic values, our political ideology and the programme for “thorough-going socio-economic and continued democratic transformation”. We dare not fail!

What is our understanding of the government pronouncement of free education?

On the 16 December the 2017, the President of the Republic of South Africa made a very crucial pronouncement as it relate to the question of education that” government would be phasing in fully subsidized free higher education and training for academically capable students from poor and working class backgrounds over a five year period” This decision was welcomed by the Progressive Youth Alliance and the South African Youth in general. This decision was further endorsed by the ANC 54th National Conference and further amplified in the January 8 statement , which held that ” critical to the expansion of access to economic opportunities is the implementation of a free higher education for students from poor and working class backgrounds whose household income is less than R350,000. This will be implemented by providing full bursaries for tuition and study materials to qualifying South African students at public TVET colleges and universities, and subsidized accommodation or transport capped at specific levels for those who qualify, starting with first time entry students in 2018. For returning existing university NFSAS funded students, in 2018 and going forward, their loans will be converted into full bursaries”

This means more black and poor students will have access to university as the state, through the NSFAS, which becomes their guarantor for fees. It means that more students will (as we have already seen) flock to TVET Colleges to be trained as apprentices and artisans. It may not mean a drastic change in quantity as the announcement has no effect on the number of students who have access to post-schooling education in the immediate, but the content of the university population will no longer be the same.

To us as the young communists at the end we need a socialist education system that is our goal. Ours is a struggle for socialism, free education pronouncement is a noble pronouncement which is relevant as ever before as we view it as a strategic pronouncement for the benefit of our revolution and the class.

To answer the question is it free education or fee-free education, the answer is it’s not yet free education for now. Our analysis is that this is not a free education but a fee-free education. Fee-free education speaks to the component of fees alone. It is about the government subsidizing the cost of fees alone. It does not speaks about curriculum development, infrastructure expansion and transformation. It’s about keeping the capitalist status quo of the demographics of higher education while the government covers the cost of education for the poor.

To us free educations means deco modification of education, free education means transformation of education system and knowledge production, free education means expansion of infrastructure and building of new institutions to increase access and success for all, free education means more university, free education means more TVETS Colleges, means more primary schools , free education means more high schools , free education means more early childhood development centers , free educations means, free education means academic freedom, means curriculum development and transformations.

TVETS COLLEGES AS INSTITUTIONS OF FIRST CHOICE FOR THE YOUTH

This is not a new campaign but this campaign is designed to respond to the current youth question and lead it. Our task is how we influence the thinking of the youth to believe and appreciate these campaign. The following areas are the main pillars as we drive the campaign to respond to the question of the TVETS Colleges as the Institutions of first choice for the South African Youth:

  • The packaging of the need and how to influence the choice.
  • Usage of success stories of those passed the system.
  • Partnership mobilization
  • The role of both government and private sector
  • Research on the state and contribution of TVETS College on other countries economy.
    THE YCLSA CALLS FOR “MORE SPACES AND MORE PLACES” IN HIGHER LEARNING.

The Young Communist League of South Africa will be launching its campaign calling for a New Higher Learning Build Programme to be developed and implemented by Institutions of Higher Learning. Our call for a ‘New Build Programme’ for Higher Learning is motivated by the fact that large numbers of deserving students who come from poor households are unable to take advantage of the new funding opportunities made available by the State because there are simply not enough spaces available for them to study in Institutions of Higher Learning.

  • The current infrastructure development plan is inadequate and short – sighted. It proposes a minimum number of institutions to be built which does not cater for the entire demand brought about by the new regime of subsidized higher education for the poor with an average household income of R350 000. As a result, free higher education can never be truly realized unless the issue of infrastructure development is adequately addressed. The State must devise new expansion plans for higher education while universities and colleges must build more campuses and lecture theatres as a matter of urgency. The University of Johannesburg must build more campuses and more lecture theatres. The University of Cape Town must build more campuses and more student housing facilities. So to must the University of Venda, Walter Sisulu and all other universities.
  • If the State has committed to increasing University subsidies from 0.68% to 1% of GDP over the next five years then Universities must equally devise new infrastructure build programmes to build adequate student housing, new campuses and lecture theatres over the next five years. Enough to meet the demand of a rising student population.
  • Today we have 26 public universities and 50 TVET Colleges in South Africa. This is overshadowed by the 627 private colleges and 114 private higher education institutions currently operating in the private higher education landscape. Public higher education is lagging far behind in the bricks and mortar of higher education and the current expansion plans don’t seem to address the imbalances in system.
  • A two – pronged approach of popularizing TVET Colleges whilst demanding more infrastructure development to ensure the barriers of free higher education are addressed will lead to the absolute realization of free higher education in our lifetime.
    We want more Universities! We want more Campuses! We want more Colleges! We want more Classrooms! Build Them Now.

Comrade delegates of the 5th Provincial Congress of Free State Province, if we were to build, nature and grow the YCLSA in the Province, we have to understand who Moses Kotane was and strive to be like Moses Kotane. If all of us we can strive to be like Moses Kotane we will build a strong YCLSA in the Province.

At a speech delivered at the Novodevichy Cemetery in Moscow where Moses Kotane was buried on May 26th 1978, the oration makes mention of the qualities of a communist hero in Moses Kotane,

“In the life of every nation, there arise men who leave an indelible and eternal stamp on the history of peoples; men who are both products and makers of history. And when they pass they leave a vision of a new and better life and the tools with which to win and build it.
Moses Kotane was such a man.”

It further states,

“But if there was one quality in Moses Kotane which I would single out before all others, it was that he was incorruptible. He was incorruptible not only in his politics but also in his personal life. Moses Kotane was a man you knew could never let you down, never do something behind your back, and never deceive you. You always knew where you were with Moses Kotane. Sometimes his words were harsh and hurtful, but they were never dishonest. He was a hard taskmaster, but only because he put the movement before himself and because he never demanded from others more than he was prepared to do himself. He drove himself to the limit of his endurance, and it is no exaggeration to say that the illness that struck him down was the result of overwork, his refusal to spare himself, his constant and meticulous attention to detail, his willing acceptance of the burden and responsibility of leadership in the great fight for freedom.”

This was the caliber of leadership and mass based heroism to be found in Moses Kotane. For Moses Kotane, the struggle was about self-sacrifice. In fact for most, the struggle has always been about self-sacrifice and never about self-empowerment. This foreign objective of self-empowerment in the name of the struggle has plagued our movement since the advent of democracy in 1994. Mischievous elements have infiltrated our movement to break with traditions of the past and pursue their own self-fulfilling goals. We must return to the traditions of the old where self-sacrifice becomes the order of the day.

Comrades, Moses Kotane was never desperate for a position of leadership, therefore we cannot be too desperate for a position as the YCLSA Members or leaders. Desperation for a position is a problem and we must know that when we join organization, we do not join organization for a leadership position. We do not have to be in a position to pursue the struggle for socialism.

It is important to note that as the members of the YCLSA, we cannot give ourselves a right above the congress. Taking it upon ourselves even before the congress to nominate and use social networks campaigning for our preferred candidates nor coming to the congress with a fixed position on whom we want to be elected on what position.

It is also important to note that the YCLSA has no branch or a structure called a Facebook, in the YCLSA we have a branch, district, province and national. In the YCLSA lobbying on Facebook is a foreign tendency. The question of leadership is not discussed through Facebook and in all communist youth organizations the question of leadership has never been a point of weakness.

We should strive to like Moses Kotane at all times and as we strive we must be mindful that Moses Kotane never blamed an leader no matter how he felt about the leadership style of that leader and this teach us that leaders who blame other leaders are not good leaders. Leaders who see weaknesses as an opportunity are not good leaders.

Leaders who always work to unite and collectively own both the weaknesses and success of the organization are leaders that are on the path of being like Moses Kotane.

We should strive at all times to be like Moses Kotane. Moses Kotane was like a Lion – courageous, just, commanding respect at all times – not demanding it. He was like a Lion, King amongst Men.

Unfortunately today, we not only have lions and young lions in our movement, but we seem to have attracted a few young leopards as well. A leopard will look into the eyes of its prey; even watch it pass by as it sits quietly in the trees above. Then it will suddenly pounce from behind or above, grab its prey when it is not looking, drag it up to its hiding place in the trees and eat alone. The leopard comrades, is a treacherous creature. We have somehow attracted treacherous creatures into the movement of young lions. Quite unfortunate!

Comrade delegates and the outgoing leadership, we wish to salute you and wish best deliberations and revolutionary outcomes of your 5th Provincial Congress.

Viva Free State Province Viva!
Viva SACP, Viva!
Forward with Socialism, Forward!
Viva YCLSA, Viva!